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TIME: Almanac 1990
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1990 Time Magazine Compact Almanac, The (1991)(Time).iso
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time
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092589
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09258900.037
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1990-09-17
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WORLD, Page 33East Germany: The More Things Change . . .
Early next month the leaders of East Germany will gather on
Marx-Engels Square to begin a three-day celebration of their
country's 40th anniversary. Guest of honor at the speeches and
parades will be Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, whose program
of reforms has been dismissed as "unnecessary" by the aged,
tradition-bound leaders who will be his hosts. If past birthdays
are any indication, the East German speakers will proclaim how
every day "the superiority of socialist society is clearly
demonstrated."
Those lofty words, however, are hardly likely to clear the smog
of despondency that has enveloped East Germany. Even before
thousands of its most talented young people streamed to the West
last week, the part of divided Germany that is still a dictatorship
was clouded over with feelings of dejection and frustration -- the
result of being held captive by a Stalinist government that refuses
to change when the world all around it is changing.
A blend of Prussian thoroughness and Marxist ideology, the
German Democratic Republic for decades provided the highest
standard of living in Eastern Europe. Now the production machine
has grown old and uncompetitive, and economic growth is less than
1% a year. The Communist youth daily Junge Welt asked last week
what must be done to keep its citizens from being "lured away by
shop windows filled with bananas." But it is not simply economic
hardship in the East that motivates those who flee to the West. The
refugees who arrived in West Germany stressed that it was the
all-intrusive influence of the Communist Party on their daily lives
that finally persuaded them to leave.
East Germans normally compare their lives with those of West
Germans, but they are also well informed about events in the Soviet
Union, Poland and Hungary. Their frustration has mounted as they
watch those countries experimenting with glasnost and perestroika.
But party chief Erich Honecker, 77, made it clear that such social
and economic reforms will not be forthcoming. The authorities in
East Berlin even took the unfraternal step of banning Soviet
publications that carried "distorted portrayals of history."
Honecker and his colleagues are well aware that theirs is a
rump state, legitimized only by the practice of what they call
socialism. Hungary and Poland could dilute their socialism and
still remain ethnic and national entities. But such experiments in
East Germany, its leaders fear, would simply hasten the swallowing
of their state by the larger Federal Republic next door. In the
well-noted words of senior Communist Party ideologist Otto
Reinhold, "What reason would a capitalist G.D.R. have for existing
next to a capitalist Federal Republic? None, naturally."
It is the legitimacy and the very existence of the G.D.R. that
Honecker is trying to protect by rejecting reform, though the
impression he generates is more akin to paralysis. The air of
confusion and impotence in East Berlin has intensified since he
dropped out of sight on Aug. 14. Officially, he is recuperating
from a gallbladder operation, but the whispers have grown louder
that he has cancer. Even if Honecker's political life is over, his
successor is not expected to deviate from the status quo course
Honecker has set. The consensus among the Politburo's 26 members
(average age: 68) is that a refusal to change guarantees stability.
Honecker's most likely successors, veteran Politburo members
Egon Krenz, 52, and Gunter Mittag, 62, who have been filling in for
him at public ceremonies, are at least as conservative. The rise
of either of them to the top job would mean no change from the
present course. "They are signaling that the old line is the right
line for the future," says Fred Oldenburg, senior analyst at the
Federal Institute for East European and International Studies in
Cologne.
In the pre-Gorbachev era, the Soviets could have been expected
to step in and order some relaxation as an antidote to rising
internal pressures. Now the Soviets have put themselves on the
sidelines by vowing noninterference in the domestic affairs of
Eastern Europe. In a report to the Kremlin that leaked in West
Germany last week, Valentin Falin, head of the international
department of the Soviet party's Central Committee, said the East
German leadership had "sharply rebuffed" advice from Moscow but was
"powerless" to deal with the crisis. He predicted that
"hard-to-control mass demonstrations" would break out in East
Germany by early next year.
Last week Mittag declared, "Nothing and no one will divert us
from the course of doing everything for the well-being and
happiness of the people." If East Germans are paying any attention,
steadfast pledges like that can only increase the flow of emigres
to the West.